Greek military junta of 1967–74

What is Greek military junta of 1967–74 known for?

national intelligence

Quote: "The Americans asked the Greek government to allow the use of their bases in Greek territory and air space to supply Israel; Markezinis, backed by Papadopoulos, denied on the grounds of maintaining good relations with the Arab countries. This denial is said to have turned the US against Papadopoulos and Markezinis." Quote: "Thus the students had been played straight into the hands of Ioannidis, who looked upon the coming elections with a jaundiced eye." Quote: "The latter i.e. Markezinis would insist until the end of his life that subversion on behalf… Markezinis was known for his independence to the US interests." Quote: "In that situation Ioannidis was emerging as a solution for the officers, in sharp contrast to Papadopoulos, whose accumulation ‘of so many offices and titles (President of Republic, Prime Minister, minister of Defence) was harming the seriousness of the regime and giving it an unacceptable image, which was not left un-exploited by its opponents". Quote:"The first attempt of Papadopoulos to start a process of reform occurred in the spring of 1968. He was claiming that if the 'Revolution' stayed more than a certain time in power, it would lose its dynamics and transform into a 'regime', which was not in his intentions. He tried to implicate Markezinis in the attempt; however, he met the stiff resistance of the hard-liners. Another attempt was again frustrated in the end of 1969 and the beginning of 1970; Papadopoulos was then disappointed and complaining ‘I am being subverted by my fellow Evelpides cadets!’ As a result of this second failure, he considered resigning in the summer of 1970, complaining that he lacked any support from other leading figures, his own closest followers included. But the rest of the faction leaders renewed their trust to him." Quote: "The 1973 oil crisis finally dealt a real financial shock to the Greek economy, as it did to all non-oil producing countries, and marked the end of inflation-free growth in Greece for more than two decades." On 10 April 1970 Papadopoulos announced the formation of the ''Simvouleftiki Epitropi'' (Συμβουλευτική Επιτροπή) translated as the ''Advisory Council'' (Committee) otherwise known as Papadopoulos' (pseudo) Parliament. Το (πολιτικό) παρασκήνιο του τελικού στο Γουέμπλεϊ Ιούνιος 1971 Quote: "Δύο μεγάλα αθλητικά γεγονότα μέσα στην ίδια χρονιά, το 1971, έφεραν την Ελλάδα ξανά στο προσκήνιο μετά τη διεθνή απομόνωσή της για τρία χρόνια εξαιτίας του θλιβερού πραξικοπήματος του 1967. Θέλοντας να δημιουργήσει την εντύπωση μιας δήθεν φιλελευθεροποίησης στη λειτουργία του πολιτεύματος, ο Παπαδόπουλος «προκηρύσσει» μέσα στην ίδια χρονιά «εκλογές» για την ανάδειξη '''Συμβουλευτικής Επιτροπής''', ''ενός είδους υβριδικής, μικρής Βουλής'', και αδειάζει τα ξερονήσια και τις φυλακές από κάμποσους πολιτικούς κρατουμένους, μερικοί από τους οποίους παίρνουν διαβατήριο και αναχωρούν για το εξωτερικό. " ΦΩΤΕΙΝΗ ΤΟΜΑΗ Κυριακή 20 Απριλίου 2008 Article: To Vima By Fotini Tomai 20 April 2008 (In Greek) Ο κ. πρόεδρος και η χούντα from isopress "Mr President and the Junta" Ελευθεροτυπία, 30 September 2007 Eleftherotypia 30 September 2007 Quote: "Τη δημιουργία της «Επιτροπής» εξήγγειλε στις 10.4.70 ο δικτάτορας Γεώργιος Παπαδόπουλος σε συνέντευξη Τύπου, ως μέτρο φιλελευθεροποίησης του καθεστώτος. Οπως εξήγησε στους ξένους και Ελληνες δημοσιογράφους, ο Παπαδόπουλος χρησιμοποίησε τον όρο «'''Συμβουλευτική Επιτροπή'''», γιατί θεωρούσε τη λέξη Βουλή «ολίγον κακόηχον»." Composed of members elected through an electoral type process but limited to ethnikofrones (Glossary of the Greek military junta) only, it was bicameral, composed of the Central Advisory Council and the Provincial Advisory Council. The Central Council met in Athens in the Parliament Building. Both councils had the purpose to advise the dictator. At the time of the announcement of the formation of the council, Papadopoulos explained that he wanted to avoid using the term "Vouli" (Parliament) for the Committee because it sounded bad. The council was dissolved just prior to Papadopoulos' failed attempt to liberalise his regime with Markezinis. As internal dissatisfaction grew in the early 1970s, and especially after an abortive coup by the Navy (Hellenic Navy) in early

scale construction

with low inflation and low unemployment. Economic growth was driven by investment in the tourism industry, loose emigration policies, public spending, and pro-business incentives that fostered both domestic and foreign capital spending. Several international companies invested in Greece at the time, including the Coca-Cola Corporation. Economic growth started losing steam by 1972. In addition, large scale construction

band rock

band rock groups Socrates Drank the Conium and Nostradamos (Nostradamos (band)). (Give me your hand) on Youtube Athens Guide on Socrates rock group "Socrates will probably never get inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. But while other groups were becoming well known in the free world, this Hendrix-style blues

great play


political landscape

in Athens, answered, "How can you rape a whore?" NATO's Secret Armies: Operation GLADIO and Terrorism in Western Europe. By Ganser Daniele (2005). pp. 220–223 ISBN 0-7146-5607-0, ISBN 978-0-7146-5607-6 Papadopoulos' junta attempted to re-engineer (Political engineering) the Greek political landscape by coup. Papadopoulos as well as the other junta members are known in Greece by the term "Aprilianoi" (Aprilians), denoting

resistance cultural

tenure at the helm of the junta. But the liberalisation process he undertook allowed the students to organise more freely, and this gave the opportunity to the students at the National Technical University of Athens to organise a demonstration that grew increasingly larger and more effective. The political momentum was on the side of the students. Sensing this, the junta panicked and reacted violently. Kostis Kornetis (2013). Children of the Dictatorship. Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the "Long 1960s" in Greece. New York : Berghahn Books. On the early hours of Saturday, 17 November 1973, Papadopoulos sent the army to suppress the student strike and sit-in of the "Free Besieged" (Ελεύθεροι Πολιορκημένοι), as the students called themselves, at the Athens Polytechnic which had commenced on 14 November. Shortly after 03:00 a.m. EET, under almost complete cover of darkness, an AMX 30 tank crashed through the rail gate of the Athens Polytechnic with subsequent loss of life. The army also occupied Syntagma Square for at least the following day. Even the sidewalk cafes were closed. Ioannidis' involvement in inciting unit commanders to commit criminal acts during the uprising, so that he could facilitate his own upcoming coup, was noted in the indictment presented to the court by the prosecutor during the Greek junta trials, and in his subsequent conviction in the Polytechneion trial where he was found to have been morally responsible for the events. Tsevas report Quote: "Οι Ιωαννίδης και Ρουφογάλης, δια των εις αυτούς πιστών Αξιωματικών και πρακτόρων, επηρεάζουν σοβαρώς και σαφώς την όλην επιχείρησιν, εξαπολύοντες κύμα βιαιοτήτων και πυροβολισμών, επί τω τέλει της δημιουργίας ευνοϊκών δια την προαποφασισθείσαν κίνησιν συνθηκών ασφαλείας, αναταραχής και συγκρούσεων." Eleftherotypia Unrepentant for the Dictatorship. Retrieved 15 August 2008 (In Greek) English translation by Google The Ioannidis Regime The uprising triggered a series of events that put an abrupt end to Papadopoulos' attempts at "liberalisation". Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannidis, a disgruntled junta hardliner and long-time protege of Papadopoulos as head of the feared Military Police, used the uprising as a pretext to reestablish public order, and staged a counter-coup that overthrew Papadopoulos and Spyros Markezinis on 25 November. Military law was reinstated, and the new Junta appointed General Phaedon Gizikis as President and economist Adamantios Androutsopoulos as Prime Minister, although Ioannidis remained the behind-the-scenes strongman. Ioannidis's heavy-handed and opportunistic intervention had the effect of destroying the myth that the junta was an idealistic (Ideal (ethics)) group of army officers with exactly the same ideals who came to save Greece by using their collective wisdom. The main tenet of the junta ideology (and mythology) was gone and so was the collective. By default, he remained the only man at the top after toppling the other three principals of the junta. Characteristically, he cited ideological reasons for ousting the Papadopoulos faction, accusing them with straying from the principles of the Revolution, especially of being corrupt and misusing their privileges as army officers for financial gains. Papadopoulos and his junta always claimed that the 21 April 1967 "revolution" saved Greece from the old party system. Now Ioannidis was, in effect, claiming that his coup saved the revolution from the Papadopoulos faction. The dysfunction as well as the ideological fragmentation and fractionalisation of the junta was finally out in the open. Ioannidis, however, did not make these accusations personally as he always tried to avoid unnecessary publicity. The radio broadcasts, following the now familiar ''coup in progress'' scenario featuring martial music interspersed with military orders and curfew announcements, kept repeating that the army was taking back the reins of power in order to save the principles of the revolution and that the overthrow of the Papadopoulos-Markezinis government was supported by the army, navy and air force. BBC: On this day quote:A military communiqué announced the overthrow of the government was supported by the army, navy and air force and said it was a "continuation of the revolution of 1967", when the Greek colonels, headed by Mr Papadopoulos, seized control. The statement went on to accuse Mr Papadopoulos of "straying from the ideals of the 1967 revolution" and "pushing the country towards parliamentary rule too quickly". At the same time they announced that the new coup was a "continuation of the revolution of 1967" and accused Papadopoulos with "straying from the ideals of the 1967 revolution" and "pushing the country towards parliamentary rule too quickly". Previous to seizing power, Ioannidis preferred to work in the background and he never held any formal office in the junta. Now he was the ''de facto'' leader of a puppet regime (Puppet state) composed by members some of whom were rounded up by Greek Military Police (ESA) soldiers in roving jeeps to serve and others that were simply chosen by mistake. "Greece marks '73 student uprising", and:''the notorious Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannidis now serving a life sentence for his part in the 1967 seizure of power — immediately scrapped a programme of liberalisation introduced earlier'' and: ''His was but to do the bidding of a junta strongman who had never made a secret of his belief that Greeks were not ready for democracy.'' ''Athens News'', 17 November 1999 Mario Modiano ''The Times'' correspondent in Athens, "A long, happy summer night 30 years ago", ''Athens News'', 23 July 2004 quote1: ''My friend had been sworn in as a minister by mistake. After his coup, Ioannidis dispatched military policemen in jeeps to round up the people he needed to man a puppet government. When they turned up at my friend's home and ordered him to follow them, he was convinced that the soldiers intended to shoot him. quote 2: The meeting lasted five hours. Then there was a break, and by the time the meeting resumed, Evangelos Averoff, the former foreign minister, who was there, had already telephoned Constantine Karamanlis in Paris to urge him to return immediately and assume the reins of power.'' The Ioannidis method of forming a government dealt yet another blow to the rapidly diminishing credibility of the regime both at home and abroad. The new junta, despite its rather inauspicious origins, pursued an aggressive internal crackdown and an expansionist foreign policy. Cypriot coup d'état, Turkish invasion and fall of the Junta

title making

, The (London), 28 June 1999 by Robert Shannan Peckham Quote: "Greeks woke up on the morning of Friday 21 April 1967 with military marches and national folk music broadcast on the radio, and with the dictatorship a fait accompli."

popular hits

in an empty room * sleep deprivation * food deprivation * drink deprivation * brutal beatings * loud sounds According to recent research based on new interviews with survivors, in the period from May to November 1973 this combination of interrogation techniques also included the repetition of songs that were popular hits of the time. Papaeti, Anna (2013). "Music, Torture, Testimony: Reopening the Case of the Greek Military Junta (1967–74)." ''the world of music (special issue): Music and Torture Music and Punishment'' 2:1(2013), guest edited by M. J. Grant and Anna Papaeti, pp. 73–80. These were played loudly and repeatedly from loudspeakers. Attacking all senses without leaving any visible traces, this combination has been today understood as amounting to torture by international bodies. UN Committee Against Torture 1997 "Concluding observations: Israel. 09 05 1997." http: UNISPAL.NSF 0 1B3ED23212DCBE3B05256547005C47FA According to a human rights report by Amnesty International, in the first month of the 21 April coup an estimated 8,000 people were arrested. James Becket,

period including

politically allegorical (allegory), especially against the junta, albums during the period, including ''To Perivoli tou Trellou'' ( ). Tourism Concurrently, tourism was actively encouraged by Papadopoulos' government and, funding scandals

made life

the boundaries and delve into or discuss forbidden subjects. This realisation including the absence of any civil rights as well as maltreatment during police arrest, ranging from threats to beatings or worse, made life under the junta a difficult proposition for many ordinary citizens. Following the junta's logic, one was allowed to participate in a rock concert, as an example, but if any misbehaviour occurred during that activity that was not up to junta's standards, the resulting arrest, coupled with the complete absence of any civil rights, could easily lead to beatings and labelling of the individual as an anarchist (Anarchism), communist (Communism), a combination of these terms (Anarcho-communism), or worse. The absence of a valid code of jurisprudence led to the unequal application of the law among the citizens and to rampant favouritism and nepotism. Absence of elected representation meant that the citizens' stark and only choice was to submit to these arbitrary measures exactly as dictated by the junta. The country had become a true police state. The Psychological Origins of Institutionalized Torture By Mika Haritos-Fatouros Published by Routledge, 2003 ISBN 0-415-28276-4, ISBN 978-0-415-28276-5 270 pages p. 28, Quote: "The country became a true military police state" By Google Books Complete lack of press freedom (Freedom of the press) coupled with nonexistent civil rights meant that continuous cases of civil rights abuses could neither be reported nor investigated by an independent press or any other reputable authority. This led to a psychology of fear among the citizens during the Papadopoulos dictatorship, which became worse under Ioannidis. External relations

Greek military junta of 1967–74

400px thumb The junta members. (File:Members of the greek military junta of 1967–1974.jpg) The '''Greek military junta of 1967–74''' (alternatively '''The Regime of the Colonels''' ( ) was a series of right-wing military juntas that ruled Greece following the 1967 Greek coup d'état led by a group of colonels on 21 April 1967. The dictatorship ended on 24 July 1974.

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