merged into the Kingdom of Aragon), and Pallars arose as the main regional powers with Basque population in the 9th century. There are three other historic provinces parts of the Basque Country: Labourd, Lower Navarre and Soule (''Lapurdi, Nafarroa Beherea'' and ''Zuberoa'' in Basque; ''Labourd, Basse-Navarre'' and ''Soule'' in French), devoid of official status within France's present-day political and administrative territorial organization, and only minor political support to the Basque nationalists. A large number of regional and local nationalist and non-nationalist representatives has waged a campaign for years advocating for the creation of a separate Basque département, while these demands have gone unheard by the French administration. The club is known for its cantera policy of bringing young Basque (Basque people) players through the ranks, as well as recruiting top Basque players from other clubs (like Joseba Etxeberria or Javi Martínez). Athletic official policy is signing professional players native to the greater Basque Country (Basque Country (greater region)), including Biscay, Guipúzcoa, Álava and Navarre (in Spain); and Labourd, Soule and Lower Navarre (in France). Still, in recent times, this policy has been somewhat relaxed and players with direct Basque ancestry have played for the team. This has gained Athletic both admirers and critics. The club has been praised for promoting home grown players and club loyalty. Athletic is one of only four professional clubs in Spain (the others being Real Madrid (Real Madrid C.F.), Barcelona (FC Barcelona) and Osasuna (CA Osasuna)) that is not a sports corporation; the club is owned and operated by its associates (socios). History '''Basses-Pyrénées''' is one of the original 83 departments of France created during the French Revolution, on March 4, 1790. It was created from parts of the former provinces of Guyenne, Béarn, and Gascony and included the three traditional provinces of the northern Basque Country (Northern Basque Country): Labourd, Soule and Basse-Navarre. It also included two tiny exclaves of Bigorre which were located within Béarn. The Basque people are especially given to singing. Basque language has stuck to the oral tradition stronger than Romance languages, and its literature was first recorded in writing in the 16th century. There are ballads dating from the 15th century that have been passed from parents to children by word of mouth, e.g. ''Ozaze Jaurgainian'' from Soule, which relates events six centuries ago and has come down to us in different versions (the best known was popularized by Benito Lertxundi), or ''Alostorrea'', from Biscay. These ballads were crafted and spread by minstrels or bertsolaris, were kept in popular memory, and were transmitted in the so-called ''kopla zaharrak'', sets of poems with a characteristic rhythmic pattern that could be sung: this is similar to traditional practices elsewhere in Europe (Oral-formulaic composition). So, for example, the first work of literature in Basque ''Linguæ Vasconum Primitiæ'' (1545) by Bernard Etxepare shows long verses that, while deceptively fashioned in metres resembling those used in Romance poetry, follow an internal rhythmic pattern similar to a ''kopla'', so they can be popularly sung. Even today, it is not unusual to see groups of people marching around a town at some local festival singing and asking the neighbours for a food, drink or money donation, while the most famous celebrations following this pattern across the whole Basque Country may be those taking place on Christmas Eve (Olentzero) and the Saint Agatha's Eve (Basque music#Samples), with singers dressing up in traditional costumes. A key figure bridging the old singing tradition of Soule and the folk song revival of the 20th century should be noted here, Pierre Bordazaharre (1907–1979), aka Etxahun Iruri. A xirula player and singer, he collected old songs and fashioned new ones, which eventually caught on and spread, take for instance, ''Agur Xiberoa''. He also contributed to new pastoral (Pastoral (theatre of Soule)) plays in the tradition of Soule, reshaping the pastoral and adding new topics. Meanwhile, new and more urban style musical ensembles and bands sprang up in the 70s, performing first to other's songs of the time at summer local festivities. Yet they gradually developed their own repertoire fashioned in line with the Basque revival and activism (special focus on the lyrics) and ongoing Western musical trends, e.g. folk (Gwendal for one), progressive rock (Pink Floyd,...). As regards choral bands, Mocedades from Bilbao should be highlighted, founded in 1967 initially by Amaya Uranga and two sisters of her. They soon gained public notability by ranking second at the 1973 Eurovision Song Contest. That very year in the same city the prolific Oskorri band (see above) got together featuring folk music, launching first album in 1976, where they paid homage to poet Gabriel Aresti, while in the Northern Basque Country Michel Ducau and Anje Duhalde teamed up and put together the first Basque rock band: The celebrated and politically engagé Errobi, releasing album ''Errobi'' (1975) to critic and public acclaim, ''Bizi bizian'' ensued. The group disbanded (not definitely) in 1979. thumb 310px Rock band Zamara's live performance (Image:Zarama.jpg)Beginning at the mid-60s, Imanol Larzabal led a solo career as a singer songwriter, featuring a deep voice as well as a socially committed and poetic subjects, with the collaboration of domestic and foreign poets and singers. He went through a short period in prison and came back from exile in 1977. Friend of his and son of emigrant Souletin parents, Niko Etxart came back to the Basque Country from Paris with brand-new ideas about music in 1972, so turning into a forerunner of Basque rock music (''Euskal Rock&Roll'' released in 1979) alongside the band Errobi, while especially in the traditional Northern Basque Country some lashed out at his looks, manners and music. He alternately performed onstage in "verbenas" (dancing music in local festivities) with the band Minxoriak up to the late 80s. In the area of Mutriku, Itoiz, a milestone in Basque folk-pop music, was formed in 1978, with Juan Carlos Perez as its lead vocalist and frontman, releasing that very year the critically acclaimed album ''Itoiz'', which contained such poignant tracks as ''Hilzori'', ''Lau teilatu'' etc. Akin ensemble Haizea delivered a couple of good LPs in this period. ), is the Basque dialect (Basque dialects) spoken in Soule, France.
to rout and eventually defeat the pirates and reclaim Gongju. Move of the capital In 538, he moved the capital from Ungjin (present-day Gongju) further south to Sabi (present-day Buyeo County), on the Geum River. Unlike the earlier move of the capital from the present-day Seoul region to Ungjin, forced by the military pressure of Goguryeo, the move to Sabi was directed by the king to strengthen royal power, aided by the political support of the Sa clan based in Sabi.1898 he broke out of prison and escaped into ''Magoksa'' (마곡사; 麻谷寺), a Buddhist temple in Gongju (공주; 公州), Chungcheong province, and entered the Buddhist priesthood. Kim left the priesthood and returned to Hwanghae a year later, where he devoted himself to the enlightenment and education of the Korean people, founding (장연학교; 長淵學校) and the ''Yangsan'' School (양산학교; 楊山學校) in 1907, becoming the principal of the ''Yangsan'' School. In 1904, he married ''Choi Jun Rye'' (최준례) from ''Sincheon'' (신천), Hwanghae Province. birth_date
agitated for irredentism, claiming for Spain the French Navarre (Lower Navarre), French Basque Country and Roussillon (French Catalonia) as well. ''Serrano Suñer, tragedia personal y fascismo político'', Javier Tusell, ''El País'', 2 September 2003: "Serrano ante él Hitler llegó a sugerir que el Rosellón debia ser español, por catalán, y que Portugal no tenía sentido como unidad política independiente." ''El último de los de Franco'', Santiago Pérez Díaz, ''El País'' 7 September 2003 thumb Basque Country (Image:Euskal Herriko herrialdeen mapa.svg) '''Lower Navarrese''' (or Low Navarrese) is a dialect of the Basque language spoken in the Lower Navarre (Basque: ''Nafarroa Beherea'') region of France. It differs somewhat from Upper Navarrese, which is more generally spoken in the Spanish (Spain) Basque Country (Basque Country (greater region)).
In Vienna, in front of Habsburg manor (Schönbrunn Palace), while black and yellow flag was flown for Cisleithania, both Croatian and Hungarian flags were flown for Transleithania. When in 1915 a new small official coat of arms of Austria-Hungary was released, composed of Austrian and Hungarian coat-of-arms only, Croatian government protested, since it was a breach of the Settlement. Vinko Krišković: Izabrani politički eseji, Priredio Dubravko Jelčić, MH, SHK, Zagreb, 2003. Vienna responded quickly and included Croatian coat of arms. The Nationalities Law enacted in 1868 defined Hungary as a ''single Hungarian nation'' Britannica 2009 Dual Monarchy comprising different nationalities whose members enjoyed equal rights in all areas except language. Although non-Hungarian languages could be used in local government, churches, and schools, Hungarian became the official language of the central government and universities. Many Hungarians thought the act too generous, while minority-group leaders rejected it as inadequate. Slovaks in northern Hungary, Romanians in Transylvania, and Serbs in Vojvodina all wanted more autonomy, and unrest followed the act's passage. The government took no further action concerning nationalities, and discontent fermented. Anti-Semitism appeared in Hungary early in the century as a result of fear of economic competition. In 1840 a partial emancipation of the Jews allowed them to live anywhere except certain depressed mining cities. The Jewish Emancipation Act of 1868 gave Jews equality before the law and effectively eliminated all bars to their participation in the economy; nevertheless, informal barriers kept Jews from careers in politics and public life. Rise of the Liberal Party Franz Joseph appointed Gyula Andrássy—a member of Deák's party—prime minister in 1867. His government strongly favored the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and followed a laissez-faire economic policy. Guilds were abolished, workers were permitted to bargain for wages, and the government attempted to improve education and construct roads and railroads. Between 1850 and 1875, Hungary's farms prospered: grain prices were high, and exports tripled. But Hungary's economy accumulated capital too slowly, and the government relied heavily on foreign credits. In addition, the national and local bureaucracies began to grow immediately after the compromise became effective. Soon the cost of the bureaucracy outpaced the country's tax revenues, and the national debt soared. After an economic downturn in the mid-1870s, Deák's party succumbed to charges of financial mismanagement and scandal. As a result of these economic problems, Kálmán Tisza's Liberal Party, created in 1875, gained power in 1875. Tisza assembled a bureaucratic political machine that maintained control through corruption and manipulation of a woefully unrepresentative electoral system. In addition, Tisza's government had to withstand both dissatisfied nationalities and Hungarians who thought Tisza too submissive to the Austrians. The Liberals argued that the Dual Monarchy improved Hungary's economic position and enhanced its influence in European politics. Tisza's government raised taxes, balanced the budget within several years of coming to power, and completed large road, railroad, and waterway projects. Commerce and industry expanded quickly. After 1880 the government abandoned its laissez-faire economic policies and encouraged industry with loans, subsidies, government contracts, tax exemptions, and other measures. The number of Hungarians who earned their living in industry doubled to 24.2 percent of the population between 1890 and 1910, while the number dependent on agriculture dropped from 82 to 62 percent. However, the 1880s and 1890s were depression years for the peasantry. Rail and steamship transport gave North American farmers access to European markets, and Europe's grain prices fell by 50 percent. Large landowners fought the downturn by seeking trade protection and other political remedies; the lesser nobles, whose farms failed in great numbers, sought positions in the still-burgeoning bureaucracy. By contrast, the peasantry resorted to subsistence farming and worked as laborers to earn money. Social changes Hungary's population rose from 13 million to 20 million between 1850 and 1910. After 1867 Hungary's feudal society gave way to a more complex society that included the magnates, lesser nobles, middle class, working class, and peasantry. However, the magnates continued to wield great influence through several conservative parties because of their massive wealth and dominant position in the upper chamber of the diet. They fought modernization and sought both closer ties with Vienna and a restoration of Hungary's traditional social structure and institutions, arguing that agriculture should remain the mission of the nobility. They won protection from the market by reestablishment of a system of entail and also pushed for restriction of middle-class profiteering and restoration of corporal punishment. The Roman Catholic Church was a major ally of the magnates. Some lesser-noble landowners survived the agrarian depression of the late 19th century and continued farming. Many others turned to the bureaucracy or to the professions. In the mid-19th century, Hungary's middle class consisted of a small number of German and Jewish merchants and workshop owners who employed a few craftsmen. By the turn of the 20th century, however, the middle class had grown in size and complexity and had become predominantly Jewish. In fact, Jews created the modern economy that supported Tisza's bureaucratic machine. In return, Tisza not only denounced anti-Semitism but also used his political machine to check the growth of an anti-Semitic party. In 1896 his successors passed legislation securing the Jews' final emancipation. By 1910 about 900,000 Jews made up approximately 5 percent of the population and about 23 percent of Budapest's citizenry. Jews accounted for 54 percent of commercial business owners, 85 percent of financial institution directors and owners, and 62 percent of all employees in commerce. The rise of a working class came naturally with industrial development. By 1900 Hungary's mines and industries employed nearly 1.2 million people, representing 13 percent of the population. The government favored low wages to keep Hungarian products competitive on foreign markets and to prevent impoverished peasants from flocking to the city to find work. The government recognized the right to strike in 1884, but labor came under strong political pressure. In 1890 the Social Democratic Party was established and secretly formed alliances with the trade unions. The party soon enlisted one-third of Budapest's workers. By 1900 the party and union rolls listed more than 200,000 hard-core members, making it the largest secular organization the country had ever known. The diet passed laws to improve the lives of industrial workers, including providing medical and accident insurance, but it refused to extend them voting rights, arguing that broadening the franchise would give too many non-Hungarians the vote and threaten Hungarian domination. After the Compromise of 1867, the Hungarian government also launched an education reform in an effort to create a skilled, literate labor force. As a result, the literacy rate had climbed to 80 percent by 1910. Literacy raised the expectations of workers in agriculture and industry and made them ripe for participation in movements for political and social change. The plight of the peasantry worsened drastically during the depression at the end of the 19th century. The rural population grew, and the size of the peasants' farm plots shrank as land was divided up by successive generations. By 1900 almost half of the country's landowners were scratching out a living from plots too small to meet basic needs, and many farm workers had no land at all. Many peasants chose to emigrate, and their departure rate reached approximately 50,000 annually in the 1870s and about 200,000 annually by 1907. The peasantry's share of the population dropped from 72.5 percent in 1890 to 68.4 percent in 1900. The countryside also was characterized by unrest, to which the government reacted by sending in troops, banning all farm-labor organizations, and passing other repressive legislation. In the late 19th century, the Liberal Party passed laws that enhanced the government's power at the expense of the Roman Catholic Church. The parliament won the right to veto clerical appointments, and it reduced the church's nearly total domination of Hungary's education institutions. Additional laws eliminated the church's authority over a number of civil matters and, in the process, introduced civil marriage and divorce procedures. The Liberal Party also worked with some success to create a unified, Magyarized state. Ignoring the Nationalities Law, they enacted laws that required the Hungarian language to be used in local government and increased the number of school subjects taught in that language. After 1890 the government succeeded in Magyarizing educated Slovaks, Germans, Croats, and Romanians and co-opting them into the bureaucracy, thus robbing the minority nationalities of an educated elite. Most minorities never learned to speak Hungarian, but the education system made them aware of their political rights, and their discontent with Magyarization mounted. Bureaucratic pressures and heightened fears of territorial claims against Hungary after the creation of new nation-states in the Balkans forced Tisza to outlaw "national agitation" and to use electoral legerdemain to deprive the minorities of representation. Nevertheless, in 1901 Romanian and Slovak national parties emerged undaunted by incidents of electoral violence and police repression. Political and economic situation in 1905–1919 Tisza directed the Liberal government until 1890, and for fourteen years thereafter a number of Liberal prime ministers held office. Agricultural decline continued, and the bureaucracy could no longer absorb all of the pauperized lesser nobles and educated people who could not find work elsewhere. This group gave its political support to the Party of Independence and the Party of Forty-Eight, which became part of the "national" opposition that forced a coalition with the Liberals in 1905. The Party of Independence
The '''National Recovery Administration''' ('''NRA''') was the primary New Deal agency established by U.S. president Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) in 1933. The goal was to eliminate "cut-throat competition" by bringing industry, labor and government together to create codes of "fair practices" and set prices. The NRA was created by the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) and allowed industries to get together and write "codes of fair competition." The codes were intended to reduce "destructive competition" and to help workers by setting minimum wages and maximum weekly hours, as well as minimum prices at which products could be sold. The NRA also had a two-year renewal charter and was set to expire in June 1935 if not renewed. http: www.novelguide.com a discover egd_02 egd_02_00388.html In 1935, the U.S. Supreme Court (Supreme Court of the United States) unanimously declared that the NRA law was unconstitutional, ruling that it infringed the separation of powers under the United States Constitution. The NRA quickly stopped operations, but many of its labor provisions reappeared in the National Labor Relations Act (Wagner Act), passed later the same year. The long-term result was a surge in the growth and power of unions (Trade union), which became a core of the New Deal Coalition that dominated national politics for the next three decades. The NRA, symbolized by the Blue Eagle, was popular with workers. Businesses that supported the NRA put the symbol in their shop windows and on their packages, though they did not always go along with the regulations entailed. Though membership to the NRA was voluntary, businesses that did not display the eagle were very often boycotted, making it seem mandatory for survival to many. Background As part of the "First New Deal," the NRA was based on the premise that the Great Depression was caused by market instability and that government intervention was necessary to balance the interests of farmers, business and labor. The NIRA, which created the NRA, declared that codes of fair competition should be developed through public hearings, and gave the Administration the power to develop voluntary agreements with industries regarding work hours, pay rates, and price fixing. National Recovery Administration. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. 2001-07 The NRA was put into operation by an executive order (Executive order (United States)), signed the same day as the passage of the NIRA. New Dealers who were part of the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt saw the close analogy with the earlier crisis handling the economics of World War I. They brought ideas and experience from the government controls and spending of 1917-18. In his June 16, 1933 "Statement on the National Industrial Recovery Act," President Roosevelt described the spirit of the NRA: "On this idea, the first part of the NIRA proposes to our industry a great spontaneous cooperation to put millions of men back in their regular jobs this summer." Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum - Our Documents Franklin D. Roosevelt Statement on N.I.R.A. He further stated, "But if all employers in each trade now band themselves faithfully in these modern guilds--without exception-and agree to act together and at once, none will be hurt and millions of workers, so long deprived of the right to earn their bread in the sweat of their labor, can raise their heads again. The challenge of this law is whether we can sink selfish interest and present a solid front against a common peril." Inception thumb right 200px Director Hugh S. Johnson on the cover of Time Magazine (File:1933 Time Man of the Year cover.jpg) in 1933.thumb right 200px The film industry supported the NRA (File:NRA film 1934.JPG) The first director of the NRA was Hugh S. Johnson, a retired United States Army general and a successful businessman. He was named ''Time (Time (magazine))'' magazine's "Man of the Year (Time Person of the Year)" in 1933. Johnson saw the NRA as a national crusade designed to restore employment and regenerate industry. Johnson called on every business establishment in the nation to accept a stopgap "blanket code": a minimum wage of between 20 and 45 cents per hour, a maximum workweek of 35 to 45 hours, and the abolition of child labor. Johnson and Roosevelt contended that the "blanket code" would raise consumer purchasing power and increase employment. To mobilize political support for the NRA, Johnson launched the "NRA Blue Eagle" publicity campaign to boost his bargaining strength to negotiate the codes with business and labor. Historian Clarence B. Carson noted: At this moment in time from the early days of the New Deal, it is difficult to recapture, even in imagination, the heady enthusiasm among a goodly number of intellectuals for a government planned economy. So far as can now be told, they believed that a bright new day was dawning, that national planning would result in an organically integrated economy in which everyone would joyfully work for the common good, and that American society would be freed at last from those antagonisms arising, as General Hugh Johnson put it, from "the murderous doctrine of savage and wolfish individualism, looking to dog-eat-dog and devil take the hindmost." Carson, Clarence B. ''The Relics of Intervention'' part 4. ''New Deal Collective Planning'' Roosevelt replaced Johnson in September 1934. Coal The negotiations of a code for the bituminous coal industry came against the background of a rapidly swelling union, the United Mine Workers headed by John L. Lewis and an unstable truce in the Pennsylvania coal fields. The NRA tried to get the principles to compromise with a national code for a decentralized industry in which many companies were antiunion, sought to keep wage differentials, and tried to escape the collective bargaining provisions of section 7A. Agreement among the parties was finally reached only after the NRA threatened that it would impose a code. The code did not establish price stabilization, nor did it resolve questions of industrial self-government versus governmental supervision or of centralization versus local autonomy, but it made dramatic changes in abolishing child labor, eliminating the compulsory scrip wages and company store, and establishing fair trade practices. It paved the way for an important wage settlement. James P. Johnson, "Drafting the NRA Code of Fair Competition for the Bituminous Coal Industry," ''Journal of American History,'' Vol. 53, No. 3 (Dec., 1966), pp. 521-541 in JSTOR Price controls In early 1935 the new chairman, Samuel Williams announced that the NRA would stop setting prices, but businessmen complained. Chairman Williams told them plainly that, unless they could prove it would damage business, NRA was going to put an end to price control. Williams said, "Greater productivity and employment would result if greater price flexibility were attained." Of the 2,000 businessmen on hand probably 90% opposed Mr. Williams' aim, reported ''Time'' magazine: "To them a guaranteed price for their products looks like a royal road to profits. A fixed price above cost has proved a lifesaver to more than one inefficient producer." However, it was also argued NRA's price control method promoted monopolies. The National Recovery Administration Economic History Services The business position was summarized by George A. Sloan, head of the Cotton Textile Code Authority: "Maximum hours and minimum wage provisions, useful and necessary as they are in themselves, do not prevent price demoralization. While putting the units of an industry on a fair competitive level insofar as labor costs are concerned, they do not prevent destructive price cutting in the sale of commodities produced, any more than a fixed price of material or other element of cost
Abulfaz Elchibey broke out in early June 1993 in Ganja (Ganja, Azerbaijan) under the leadership of Colonel Surat Huseynov. The Popular Front of Azerbaijan leadership found itself without political support as a result of the war's setbacks, a steadily deteriorating economy, and opposition from groups led by Heydar Aliyev. In Baku, Aliyev seized the reins of power and quickly consolidated his position. A confidence referendum in August (Azerbaijani vote of confidence referendum, 1993) deprived Elchibey of his post. , literally "Azerbaijan Village Agriculture Academy"), also referred to as the Azerbaijan Agricultural Academy (Az. AA), is a public university located in Ganja (Ganja, Azerbaijan), Azerbaijan. The university has eight schools, 3830 students and 560 faculty members. In addition, there is a teaching site in Gazakh with nearly 500 correspondent students. Biography Babadzhanian was born in the family of an Armenian (Armenians) peasant, in the village of Chardakhlu (Çardaqlı, Shamkir) near Yelizavetpol (later Kirovabad, now Ganja (Ganja, Azerbaijan), Azerbaijan), then part of the Russian Empire, attending school there. Ivan Bagramyan, another Armenian Marshal of the Soviet Union, was born in the same village. History During the Soviet period, Azerbaijan was part of the Transcaucasus Military District, whose forces in the republic were commanded by the 4th Army (4th Army (Soviet Union)). The 4th Army (4th Army (Soviet Union)) consisted of three motor rifle divisions (the 23rd Motor Rifle Division (8th Cavalry Corps (Soviet Union)#Postwar) (MRD) at Ganja (Ganja, Azerbaijan), the 60th at Lankaran, and the 295th in Baku) and army troops that included missile and air defense brigades and artillery and rocket regiments. Azerbaijan also hosted the 49th Arsenal of the Main Agency of Missiles and Artillery of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, which contained over 7,000 train-car loads of ammunition to the excess of one billion units. In addition, the 75th Motor Rifle Division, part of the 7th Guards Army, was in Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic.
roads publisher UNECE page 14 date 2002-04-05 accessdate 2010-07-26 Just east of Trondheim, the road goes through the commons:Östersund
of Cyprus . Marriage, Death and Succession In Venice, on July 30, 1468, seeking political support, he married a 14-year old Venetian, Catherine Cornaro, by proxy. She finally travelled to Cyprus and married in person at Famagusta in October or November, 1472. James died a few months later, amidst some suspicion that he might have been poisoned by agents of Venice (Republic of Venice), possibly by Catherine's uncles. According to his will, Caterina, who was pregnant, became regent
the Chadian titular head of state for a few weeks, even though his Third Liberation Army was only a phantom force, and his domestic political support was insignificant. Within Chad the warring parties used the conferences and their associated truces to recover from one round of fighting and prepare for the next. A fervent Muslim, Dabbalemi initiated diplomatic exchanges with sultans in North Africa and apparently arranged for the establishment of a special hostel in Cairo