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Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo

to national tensions but also due to political ideological concerns, especially regarding relations with neighbouring Albania. Independent International Commission on Kosovo. ''The Kosovo report: conflict, international response, lessons learned''. New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. 35. Harsh repressive measures were imposed on Kosovo Albanians due to suspicions that they there were Kosovo Albanian sympathisers of the Stalinist (Stalinism) regime of Enver Hoxha of Albania. In 1956, a show trial in Pristina was held in which multiple Albanian Communists of Kosovo were convicted of being infiltrators from Albania and were given long prison sentences. High-ranking Serbian communist official Aleksandar Ranković sought to secure the position of the Serbs in Kosovo and gave them dominance in Kosovo's nomenklatura. Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992. Scranton, Pennsylvania, USA: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997. Pp. 295. Islam in Kosovo at this time was repressed and both Albanians and Muslim Slavs were encouraged to declare themselves to be Turkish and emigrate to Turkey. At the same time Serbs and Montenegrins (Montenegrins (ethnic group)) dominated the government, security forces, and industrial employment in Kosovo. Albanians resented these conditions and protested against them in the late 1960s, accusing the actions taken by authorities in Kosovo as being colonialist (colonialism), as well as demanding that Kosovo be made a republic, or declaring support for Albania. After the ouster of Ranković in 1966, the agenda of pro-decentralisation reformers in Yugoslavia, especially from Slovenia and Croatia succeeded in the late 1960s in attaining substantial decentralisation of powers, creating substantial autonomy in Kosovo and Vojvodina, and recognising a Muslim Yugoslav (Bosniaks) nationality. Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992. Scranton, Pennsylvania, USA: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997. Pp. 296. As a result of these reforms, there was a massive overhaul of Kosovo's nomenklatura and police, that shifted from being Serb-dominated to ethnic Albanian-dominated through firing Serbs in large scale. Further concessions were made to the ethnic Albanians of Kosovo in response to unrest, including the creation of the University of Pristina (University of Pristina (1969–1999)) as an Albanian language institution. These changes created widespread fear amongst Serbs that they were being made second-class citizens in Yugoslavia by these changes. Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992. Scranton, Pennsylvania, USA: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997. Pp. 301. 1974–1990 Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo was the name used from 1974 until 1990. The Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija received more autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia during the 1970s, and its name was officially changed in 1974 to ''Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo'' ("and Metohija" was removed because it was not used by the Kosovo Albanians and "Socialist" was added to further show the Socialist (Socialism) ideal of the then SFRY). In the 1974 Constitution of Yugoslavia, Kosovo was granted major autonomy, allowing it to have its own administration, assembly, and judiciary; as well as having a membership in the collective presidency and the Yugoslav parliament, in which it held veto power. Independent International Commission on Kosovo. ''The Kosovo report: conflict, international response, lessons learned''. New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. 35–36. Per the Constitutions of SFR Yugoslavia and SR Serbia, SAP Kosovo also gained its own Constitution. The Province of Kosovo gained the highest officials, most notably Presidency and Government, and gained a seat in the Federal Yugoslavian Presidency (List of leaders of communist Yugoslavia) (including veto power on the federal level) which equated it to the states of SR Serbia. *** Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (1945–1963)) (1944–1963), Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (1963–1990), Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (Vojvodina) (1990–1992) *** Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija (Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (1946–1974)) (1945–1974), Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo (1974–1990), Autonomous Province of Kosovo (History of Kosovo) (1990–1992) ** People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) (1945–1963), Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1963–1990), Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1990–1992)


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Kyrgyzstan has traditionally consisted of a significant number of ethnic Uzbeks.


South Ossetia

20100608182836 http: www.hrw.org sites default files reports wr2009_web.pdf archivedate 8 June 2010 deadurl no According to the EU fact-finding mission, 10,000–11,000 soldiers took part in the general Georgian offensive in South Ossetia. ref>

in South Ossetia , with Georgian villages around Tskhinvali being destroyed after the war had ended.

soldiers and 75 tanks. Several Russian peacekeepers were killed in the attack, and many South Ossetians who had Russian citizenship.


Kosovo

Serbia . Tensions between ethnic Albanians and the Yugoslav government were significant, not only due to national tensions but also due to political ideological concerns, especially regarding relations with neighbouring Albania. Independent International Commission on Kosovo. ''The Kosovo report: conflict, international response, lessons learned''. New York, New York, US: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. 35. Harsh repressive measures were imposed on Kosovo Albanians due to suspicions that there were Kosovo Albanian sympathisers of the Stalinist (Stalinism) regime of Enver Hoxha of Albania. In 1956, a show trial in Pristina was held in which multiple Albanian Communists of Kosovo were convicted of being infiltrators from Albania and were given long prison sentences. High-ranking Serbian communist official Aleksandar Ranković sought to secure the position of the Serbs in Kosovo and gave them dominance in Kosovo's nomenklatura. Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992. Scranton, Pennsylvania, US: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997. Pp. 295. Islam in Kosovo at this time was repressed and both Albanians and Muslim Slavs were encouraged to declare themselves to be Turkish and emigrate to Turkey. At the same time Serbs and Montenegrins (Montenegrins (ethnic group)) dominated the government, security forces, and industrial employment in Kosovo. Albanians resented these conditions and protested against them in the late 1960s, accusing the actions taken by authorities in Kosovo as being colonialist (colonialism), as well as demanding that Kosovo be made a republic, or declaring support for Albania. After the ouster of Ranković in 1966, the agenda of pro-decentralisation reformers in Yugoslavia, especially from Slovenia and Croatia succeeded in the late 1960s in attaining substantial decentralisation of powers, creating substantial autonomy in Kosovo and Vojvodina, and recognising a Muslim Yugoslav (Bosniaks) nationality. Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992. Scranton, Pennsylvania, US: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997. Pp. 296. As a result of these reforms, there was a massive overhaul of Kosovo's nomenklatura and police, that shifted from being Serb-dominated to ethnic Albanian-dominated through firing Serbs in large scale. Further concessions were made to the ethnic Albanians of Kosovo in response to unrest, including the creation of the University of Pristina (Universiteti i Prishtinës) as an Albanian language institution. These changes created widespread fear among Serbs that they were being made second-class citizens in Yugoslavia by these changes. Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992. Scranton, Pennsylvania, US: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997. Pp. 301. In the 1974 Constitution of Yugoslavia, Kosovo was granted major autonomy, allowing it to have its own administration, assembly, and judiciary; as well as having a membership in the collective presidency and the Yugoslav parliament, in which it held veto power. Independent International Commission on Kosovo. ''The Kosovo report: conflict, international response, lessons learned''. New York, New York, US: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. 35–36. In the aftermath of the 1974 constitution, concerns over the rise of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo rose with the widespread celebrations in 1978 of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the League of Prizren. Albanians felt that their status as a "minority" in Yugoslavia had made them second-class citizens in comparison with the "nations" of Yugoslavia and demanded that Kosovo be a constituent republic (Constituent state), alongside the other republics of Yugoslavia. Independent International Commission on Kosovo. ''The Kosovo report: conflict, international response, lessons learned''. New York, New York, US: Oxford University Press, 2000. Pp. 36. Protests by Albanians in 1981 over the status of Kosovo (1981 protests in Kosovo) resulted in Yugoslav territorial defence units being brought into Kosovo and a state of emergency being declared resulting in violence and the protests being crushed. In the aftermath of the 1981 protests, purges took place in the Communist Party, and rights that had been recently granted to Albanians were rescinded – including ending the provision of Albanian professors and Albanian language textbooks in the education system. Due to very high birth rates, the proportion of Albanians increased from 75% to over 90%. In contrast, the number of Serbs barely increased, and in fact dropped from 15% to 8% of the total population, since many Serbs departed from Kosovo as a response to the tight economic climate and increased incidents of alleged harassment from their Albanian neighbours. While there was tension, charges of "genocide" and planned harassments have been debunked as an excuse to revoke Kosovo's autonomy. For example in 1986 the Serbian Orthodox Church published an official claim that Kosovo Serbs were being subjected to an Albanian program of 'Genocide'.


Uzbekistan

ENGEUR620152005?open&of ENG-UZB title Uzbekistan: Independent international investigation needed into Andizhan events | Amnesty International publisher Web.amnesty.org date 23 June 2005 accessdate 2 May 2010 archiveurl web.archive.org web 20071012171720 http: web.amnesty.org library Index ENGEUR620152005?open&of ENG-UZB archivedate 12 October 2007 A concern has been expressed and a request for an independent investigation of the events has been made

November 2014 The relationship between Uzbekistan and the United States began to deteriorate after the so-called "colour revolutions" in Georgia (Georgia (country)) and Ukraine (and to a lesser extent Kyrgyzstan). When the U.S. joined in a call for an independent international investigation of the bloody events at Andijan (Andijan massacre), the relationship further declined, and President Islam Karimov changed the political alignment of the country to bring it closer to Russia and China. In late July 2005, the government of Uzbekistan ordered the United States to vacate an air base in Karshi-Kanabad (near Uzbekistan's border with Afghanistan) within 180 days. Karimov had offered use of the base to the U.S. shortly after 9 11. It is also believed by some Uzbeks that the protests in Andijan were brought about by the U.K. and U.S. influences in the area of Andijan. This is another reason for the hostility between Uzbekistan and the West. Uzbekistan is a member of the United Nations (UN) (since 2 March 1992), the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), Partnership for Peace (PfP), and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). It belongs to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) (comprising the five Central Asian countries, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey, Afghanistan, and Pakistan). In 1999, Uzbekistan joined the GUAM alliance (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova), which was formed in 1997 (making it GUUAM), but pulled out of the organization in 2005. Uzbekistan is also a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and hosts the SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in Tashkent. Uzbekistan joined the new Central Asian Cooperation Organisation (CACO) in 2002. The CACO consists of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. It is a founding member of, and remains involved in, the Central Asian Union, formed with Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, and joined in March 1998 by Tajikistan. In September 2006, UNESCO presented Islam Karimov an award for Uzbekistan's preservation of its rich culture and traditions. Despite criticism, this seems to be a sign of improving relationships between Uzbekistan and the West. The month of October 2006 also saw a decrease in the isolation of Uzbekistan from the West. The EU (European Union) announced that it was planning to send a delegation to Uzbekistan to talk about human rights and liberties, after a long period of hostile relations between the two. Although it is equivocal about whether the official or unofficial version of the Andijan Massacre is true, the EU is evidently willing to ease its economic sanctions against Uzbekistan. Nevertheless, it is generally assumed among Uzbekistan's population that the government will stand firm in maintaining its close ties with the Russian Federation and in its theory that the 2004–2005 protests in Uzbekistan were promoted by the USA and UK. In January 2008, Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva was appointed to her current role as Uzbekistan’s ambassador to UNESCO. Karimova-Tillyaeva and her team have been instrumental in promoting inter-cultural dialogue by increasing European society’s awareness of Uzbekistan’s cultural and historical heritage. Culture Commons:Category:Uzbekistan WikiPedia:Uzbekistan Dmoz:Regional Asia Uzbekistan


Chechnya

is independent, international and Islamic" that "does not represent the viewpoint of any state structures". http: www.jamestown.org single ?no_cache 1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D 2131 RADICALIZATION OF THE CHECHEN RESISTANCE OR THE TACTICAL CHOICE OF THE LEADERSHIP? The stated mission of the site is to report events related to Chechnya and also to "provide international news agencies with news-letters, background information and assistance in making


Grenada

of August 5 into the morning of August 6 before the watches were upgraded to hurricane warnings from the morning until late afternoon of August 6. thumb right Hurricane Allen in the Gulf of Mexico on August 8, 1980. (Image:Allen 08 aug 1980 1332Z N6.jpg) '''St. George’s University''' is an independent international university in Grenada, West Indies, offering degrees in medicine, veterinary medicine, public health, the health sciences, nursing, arts and sciences, and business. St. George's University was established by an act of Grenada's (Grenada) parliament (Parliament of Grenada) on July 23, 1976. Classes in the School of Medicine began January 17, 1977. In 1993, the University added graduate and undergraduate programs. In 1996, it was granted a charter for the School of Arts and Sciences and a Graduate Studies Program. In 1997, undergraduate courses in international business, life sciences, medical sciences, pre-medical and pre-veterinary medicine were added. The School of Veterinary Medicine was established in 1999. In 2008, the School of Nursing opened. The '''New Joint Endeavor for Welfare, Education, and Liberation''', or '''New JEWEL Movement''', was a Marxist-Leninist vanguard party in the Caribbean island nation of Grenada. The movement took control of the country with a successful revolution in 1979 and ruled by decree until being deposed by the US military after its 1983 invasion (invasion of Grenada). - '''1''' 126 69 commons:Grenada


Kyrgyzstan

revolutions " in Georgia (Georgia (country)) and Ukraine (and to a lesser extent Kyrgyzstan). When the U.S. joined in a call for an independent international investigation of the bloody events at Andijon (Andijan massacre), the relationship took an additional nosedive, and President Islam Karimov changed the political alignment of the country to bring it closer to Russia and China, countries which chose not to criticise Uzbekistan's leaders for their alleged human rights violations. Uzbekistan is a country of Central Asia, located north of Turkmenistan and Afghanistan. With an area of 447,000 square kilometers (approximately the size of Spain or California), Uzbekistan stretches 1,425 kilometers from west to east and 930 kilometers from north to south. Bordering Turkmenistan to the southwest, Kazakstan to the north, and Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to the south and east, Uzbekistan is not only one of the larger Central Asian states but also the only Central Asian state to border all of the other four. Uzbekistan also shares a short border with Afghanistan to the south. As the Caspian Sea is an inland sea with no direct link to the oceans, Uzbekistan is one of only two "doubly landlocked" countries—countries completely surrounded by other landlocked countries. The other is Liechtenstein. Water resources, which are unevenly distributed, are in short supply in most of Uzbekistan. The vast plains that occupy two-thirds of Uzbekistan's territory have little water, and there are few lakes. The two largest rivers feeding Uzbekistan are the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya, which originate in the mountains of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, respectively. These rivers form the two main river basins of Central Asia; they are used primarily for irrigation, and several artificial canals have been built to expand the supply of arable land in the Fergana Valley and elsewhere. A shallow lake, Sarygamysh Lake, sits on the border with Turkmenistan. ''total:'' 6,221 km ''border countries:'' Afghanistan 137 km, Kazakhstan 2,203 km, Kyrgyzstan 1,099 km, Tajikistan 1,161 km, Turkmenistan 1,621 km Since independence, the Government of Uzbekistan has stated that it is committed to a gradual transition to a market-based economy. The progress with economic policy reforms has been cautious, but cumulatively Uzbekistan has registered respectable achievements. The government is yet to eliminate the gap between the black market and official exchange rates by successfully introducing convertibility of the national currency. Its restrictive trade regime and generally interventionist policies continue to have a negative effect on the economy. Substantial structural reform is needed, particularly in the area of improving the investment climate for foreign investors, strengthening the banking system, and freeing the agricultural sector from state control. Remaining restrictions on currency conversion capacity and other government measures to control economic activity, including the implementation of severe import restrictions and sporadic closures of Uzbekistan's borders with neighboring Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan have led international lending organizations to suspend or scale back credits. Commons:Category:Kyrgyzstan WikiPedia:Kyrgyzstan Dmoz:Regional Asia Kyrgyzstan


Northern Ireland

According to a 2009 opinion poll, 69% express longterm preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland's membership of the United Kingdom (either directly ruled (direct rule) or with devolved government (Devolution)), while 21% express a preference for membership of a united Ireland. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it (one of the following)" This discrepancy can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants to remain a part of the UK (91%), while Catholic preferences are spread across a number of solutions to the constitutional question including remaining a part of the UK (47%), a united Ireland (40%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state (5%), and those who "don't know" (5%). Ark survey, 2009. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it to one of the following " Official voting figures, which reflect views on the "national question" along with issues of candidate, geography, personal loyalty and historic voting patterns, show 54% of Northern Ireland voters vote for Pro-Unionist parties, 42% vote for Pro-Nationalist parties and 4% vote "other". Opinion polls consistently show that the election results are not necessarily an indication of the electorate's stance regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Most of the population of Northern Ireland are at least nominally Christian. The ethno-political loyalties are allied, though not absolutely, to the Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations and these are the labels used to categorise the opposing views. This is, however, becoming increasingly irrelevant as the Irish Question is very complicated. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are attracted to Unionism's conservative (National conservatism) policies, while other voters are instead attracted to the traditionally leftist, nationalist Sinn Féin and SDLP and their respective party platforms for democratic socialism and social democracy.

Steven's Inquiry into collusion between the UK and Loyalist Terrorists publisher Cain.ulst.ac.uk date accessdate 2010-06-21 During the 1970s, a group of loyalist extremists known as the "Glenanne gang" carried out numerous shootings and bombings against the Irish Catholic and Irish nationalist (Irish nationalism) community. ''Report of the independent international panel on alleged collusion in sectarian killings in Northern Ireland'' ("The Cassel Report"). October 2006. The gang included members of the illegal Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), soldiers of the British Army and police officers of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). The Cassel Report (2006), pp. 8, 14, 21, 25, 51, 56, 58–65. ''Collusion in the South Armagh Mid Ulster Area in the mid-1970s''. Pat Finucane Centre. It was allegedly commanded by British Military Intelligence and or RUC Special Branch. The Cassel Report (2006), pp. 6, 13 Human rights group the Pat Finucane Centre has attributed 87 killings to the Glenanne gang; Relatives of 'Glenanne gang' victims demand DPP meeting including the Dublin and Monaghan bombings (which killed 33 civilians), the Miami Showband killings and the Reavey and O'Dowd killings. Dublin and Monaghan Bombings, Relatives for Justice The UK is also accused of providing intelligence material, training, firearms, explosives and lists of people that the security forces wanted to have killed. WikiPedia:Northern Ireland Dmoz:Regional Europe United Kingdom Northern Ireland commons:Northern Ireland


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