Places Known For

strong political


Ambon, Maluku

and Harper (2007), p. 171 While he planned to grant independence to Indonesia, he advocated a federal (Federal republic) Republic of the United States of Indonesia with strong political and economic ties to the Netherlands. He regarded Sukarno's Republic as economically inept and unable to ward off the Indonesian Chinese, Indonesian Indians and the rising Indonesian Communist Party. Kahin (2003), p. 27 In July 1622 De


Jinghong

donkey stew), along with some Dai and Chinese favorites. The cafe can organize guides and all kinds of tickets. The owner is an interesting French guy called Greg with a bredth of historical knowledge and strong political views. *


Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen

on foreign markets and to prevent impoverished peasants from flocking to the city to find work. The government recognized the right to strike in 1884, but labor came under strong political pressure. In 1890 the Social Democratic Party was established and secretly formed alliances with the trade unions. The party soon enlisted one-third of Budapest's workers. By 1900 the party and union rolls listed more than 200,000 hard-core members, making it the largest secular organization the country had ever known. The diet passed laws to improve the lives of industrial workers, including providing medical and accident insurance, but it refused to extend them voting rights, arguing that broadening the franchise would give too many non-Hungarians the vote and threaten Hungarian domination. After the Compromise of 1867, the Hungarian government also launched an education reform in an effort to create a skilled, literate labor force. As a result, the literacy rate had climbed to 80 percent by 1910. Literacy raised the expectations of workers in agriculture and industry and made them ripe for participation in movements for political and social change. The plight of the peasantry worsened drastically during the depression at the end of the 19th century. The rural population grew, and the size of the peasants' farm plots shrank as land was divided up by successive generations. By 1900 almost half of the country's landowners were scratching out a living from plots too small to meet basic needs, and many farm workers had no land at all. Many peasants chose to emigrate, and their departure rate reached approximately 50,000 annually in the 1870s and about 200,000 annually by 1907. The peasantry's share of the population dropped from 72.5 percent in 1890 to 68.4 percent in 1900. The countryside also was characterized by unrest, to which the government reacted by sending in troops, banning all farm-labor organizations, and passing other repressive legislation. In the late 19th century, the Liberal Party passed laws that enhanced the government's power at the expense of the Roman Catholic Church. The parliament won the right to veto clerical appointments, and it reduced the church's nearly total domination of Hungary's education institutions. Additional laws eliminated the church's authority over a number of civil matters and, in the process, introduced civil marriage and divorce procedures. The Liberal Party also worked with some success to create a unified, Magyarized state. Ignoring the Nationalities Law, they enacted laws that required the Hungarian language to be used in local government and increased the number of school subjects taught in that language. After 1890 the government succeeded in Magyarizing educated Slovaks, Germans, Croats, and Romanians and co-opting them into the bureaucracy, thus robbing the minority nationalities of an educated elite. Most minorities never learned to speak Hungarian, but the education system made them aware of their political rights, and their discontent with Magyarization mounted. Bureaucratic pressures and heightened fears of territorial claims against Hungary after the creation of new nation-states in the Balkans forced Tisza to outlaw "national agitation" and to use electoral legerdemain to deprive the minorities of representation. Nevertheless, in 1901 Romanian and Slovak national parties emerged undaunted by incidents of electoral violence and police repression. Political and economic situation in 1905–1919 Tisza directed the Liberal government until 1890, and for fourteen years thereafter a number of Liberal prime ministers held office. Agricultural decline continued, and the bureaucracy could no longer absorb all of the pauperized lesser nobles and educated people who could not find work elsewhere. This group gave its political support to the Party of Independence and the Party of Forty-Eight, which became part of the "national" opposition that forced a coalition with the Liberals in 1905. The Party of Independence resigned itself to the existence of the Dual Monarchy and sought to enhance Hungary's position within it; the Party of Forty-Eight, however, deplored the Compromise of 1867, argued that Hungary remained an Austrian colony, and pushed for formation of a Hungarian national bank and an independent customs zone. Franz Joseph refused to appoint members of the coalition to the government until they renounced their demands for concessions from Austria concerning the military. When the coalition finally gained power in 1906, the leaders retreated from their opposition to the compromise of 1867 and followed the Liberal Party's economic policies. Istvan Tisza—Kalman Tisza's son and prime minister from 1903 to 1905—formed the new Party of Work, which in 1910 won a large majority in the parliament. Tisza became prime minister for a second time in 1912 after labor strife erupted over an unsuccessful attempt to expand voting rights. Cessation After the First World War, the existence of Transleithania came to an end. The Croatian ''Sabor'' assembly at Zagreb decided to join the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs on 29 October 1918. Out of desperation, Charles appointed Mihály Károlyi, who advocated looser ties between Austria and Hungary, as prime minister. Under Károlyi's prodding, the Hungarian parliament terminated the Austro-Hungarian Compromise as of 31 October 1918. On 13 November, Charles announced that he accepted Hungary's right to determine the form of the state and relinquished his right to take part in Hungary's politics. He also released the officials in the Hungarian half of the monarchy from their oath of loyalty to him. Although it is sometimes reckoned as an abdication, Charles deliberately avoided using the term in the event the Hungarian people recalled him. However, Károlyi and his government were unwilling to wait; they proclaimed the Hungarian Democratic Republic on 16 November. King Charles IV however never abdicated and from 1920 until 1944 the restored Kingdom of Hungary (Kingdom of Hungary (1920–1946)) was governed by Miklós Horthy as a regent. See also During history this river has been many times border between different states. First time this has happen between XIII and XVI century when it formed the border between Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen and Habsburgs. Similar thing has happened in 1868 when Rječina became border between Croatian and Hungarian part of Austro-Hungary. After World War I it became for a very short time the border between Free State of Fiume and Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. After Free State of Fiume was annexed by Italy, Rječina became border river of this country. After World War II Rječina was no longer a border between states.


Red Wing, Minnesota

thumb left upright Hubbard in 1857. Born in 1836 in Troy, New York, and orphaned at ten, Hubbard first worked as a tinsmith in the east and then in Chicago. At age 21 he moved to Red Wing, Minnesota with an old hand-operated printing press and some type; within two months, he was publisher and editor of the ''Red Wing Republican'', in which he promoted his strong political views. thumb 300px right Maiden Rock (Image:Maiden Rock.jpg)'''Maiden Rock''' is a village in Pierce


State Political Directorate

Purge Stalinist purge of the following years. Origins of the MGB The MGB was just one of many incarnations of the Soviet State Security apparatus. Since the revolution, the Bolsheviks relied on a strong political police or security force to support and control their regime. During the Russian Civil War, the Checka were in power, relinquishing it to the less violent State Political Directorate (GPU) in 1922 after the fighting was over. The GPU was then renamed The People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD) (NKVD) in 1934. From the mid-1930s and until the creation of the KGB, this “Organ of State Security” was re-organized and re-named multiple times depending on the needs and fears of the leadership. In 1941, the state-security function was separated from the NKVD and became the People's Commissariat for State Security (NKGB), only to be reintegrated a few months later during the Nazi invasion (Operation Barbarossa) of the Soviet Union. In 1943, the NKGB was once again made into an independent organization in response to the Soviet occupation of parts of Eastern Europe. SMERSH, coming from the phrase “Death to Spies,” which was designed to be a counter-intelligence unit within the Red Army to ensure the loyalty of the army personnel. Following the end of the war, both the NKGB and the NKVD were converted to Ministries and redubbed the Ministry for Internal Affairs (MVD) (MVD) and the Ministry for State Security (MGB). The MGB and MVD merged again in 1953, orchestrated by Lavrenty Beria, who was then arrested and executed. The KGB took on the mantle of the NKGB MGB and, in 1954, broke off from the reformed MVD. ; 1885, Pavlograd - March 22, 1925) headed the Soviet foreign intelligence service, the ''INO'' of the GPU (State Political Directorate), from 1921 until May 1922, when he was sent to head the GPU in the South Caucasus region where had been involved in the suppression of the 1924 August Uprising in the Georgian SSR. He died in a plane crash near Tiflis (Tbilisi) in unclear circumstances. Mogilevsky was born to Jewish parents in Pavlograd. In 1903 he joined the RSDRP, and in 1904 Mogilevsky was arrested. In 1906 he left Russia for Switzerland where Mogilevsky met Vladimir Lenin who recommended him to be admitted into Bolshevik section of the party. At the outbreak of the World War I he returned to Russia and was a soldier on the front. Mogilevsky participated in the 1917 October Revolution. During the Russian Civil War he was appointed to various positions in the GPU (State Political Directorate). Since May 1922 Mogilevsky headed the Caucausian GPU and was responsible for intelligence in Iran and Turkey. He participated in stifling the August Uprising in Georgian SSR. Mogilevsky was decorated with the Order of the Red Banner in 1924 for his outstanding activities in the suppression of the uprising


Andong

of the Korean conservatives, the city has strong political power. This city has the largest population of Gyeongbuk and it has the 3rd widest land of South Korea. First is Andong, and 2nd is Gyeongju. The Gyeongbu Line is the major route out of Seoul (Seoul Station) and Yongsan Stations and, in addition to regular departures for Busan, trains travel along the Gyeongbu Line en route to Janghang, Gwangju, Mokpo, Suncheon (Suncheon, South Korea), Yeosu, Pohang, Ulsan, Haeundae, Masan (Masan (Korea)), and Jinju. Trains for Jecheon, Andong, and Yeongju also operate along sections of the Gyeongbu Line. In 1895, Gyeongsang Province was replaced by the Districts (Provinces of Korea#Districts of Late Joseon) of Andong (''Andong-bu;'' 안동부; 安東府) in the north, Daegu (''Daegu-bu;'' 대구부; 大邱) in the centre, Jinju (''Jinju-bu;'' 진주부; 晉州府) in the southwest, and Dongnae (''Dongnae-bu;'' 동래부; 東萊府; modern-day Busan) in the southeast. * commons:Andong


Brașov

Illustration of the walled city prior to the 1689 fire Germans living in Brașov were mainly involved in trade and crafts. The location of the city at the intersection of trade routes linking the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe, together with certain tax exemptions, allowed Saxon merchants to obtain considerable wealth and exert a strong political influence. They contributed a great deal to the architectural flavor of the city. Fortifications around the city were erected and continually expanded, with several towers maintained by different craftsmen's guilds, according to medieval custom. Part of the fortification ensemble was recently restored using UNESCO funds, and other projects are ongoing. At least two entrances to the city, ''Poarta Ecaterinei'' (or ''Katharinentor'') and ''Poarta Șchei'' (or ''Waisenhausgässertor''), are still in existence. The city center is marked by the mayor's former office building (Casa Sfatului (:ro:Casa Sfatului din Brașov)) and the surrounding square (''piaţa''), which includes one of the oldest buildings in Brașov, the Hirscher Haus. Nearby is the "Black Church" (''Biserica Neagră''), which some claim to be the largest Gothic style (Gothic architecture) church in Southeastern Europe. The cultural and religious importance of the Romanian church and school in Șchei is underlined by the generous donations received from more than thirty hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia, as well as that from Elizabeth of Russia. In the 17th and 19th centuries, the Romanians in Șchei campaigned for national, political, and cultural rights, and were supported in their efforts by Romanians from all other provinces, as well as by the local Greek merchant community. In 1838 they established the first Romanian language newspaper ''Gazeta Transilvaniei'' and the first Romanian institutions of higher education (''Școlile Centrale Greco-Ortodoxe'' - "The Greek-Orthodox Central Schools", today named after Andrei Șaguna). The Holy Roman Emperor and sovereign of Transylvania Joseph II (Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor) awarded Romanians citizenship rights for a brief period during the latter decades of the 18th century. In 1850 the town had 21,782 inhabitants: 8,874 (40.7%) Germans, 8,727 (40%) Romanians, 2,939 (13.4%) Hungarians. Erdély etnikai és felekezeti statisztikája In 1910 the town had 41,056 inhabitants: 10,841 (26.4%) Germans, 11,786 (28.7%) Romanians, 17,831 (43.4%) Hungarians. In World War I, the town was occupied by Romanian (Romanians) troops between 16 August and 4 October in 1916 during Battle of Transylvania. thumb left The central area, with the Biserica Neagră Black Church (File:Brasov 1906.JPG) in the lower-left, looking north towards the fortress (:ro:Cetățuia de pe Strajă) on Straja hill, in 1906 In 1918, after the Proclamation of union (Union of Transylvania with Romania) of Alba Iulia (adopted by the Deputies of the Romanians from Transylvania), Deputies of the Saxons from Transylavania supported it, with their vote to be part of Romania, and declared their allegiance to the new Romanian state. The inter-war period was a time of flourishing economic and cultural life in general, which included the Saxons in Brașov as well. However, at the end of World War II many ethnic Germans were forcibly deported to the Soviet Union, and many more emigrated to West Germany after Romania became a communist country (Communist Romania). Jews have lived in Brașov since 1807, when Aron Ben Jehuda was given permission to live in the city, a privilege until then granted only to Saxons. The Jewish community of Brașov was officially founded 19 years later, followed by the first Jewish school in 1864, and the building of the synagogue in 1901. The Jewish population of Brașov was 67 in 1850, but it expanded rapidly to 1,280 people in 1910 and 4,000 by 1940. Today the community has about 230 members, after many families left for Israel between World War II and 1989. Like many other cities in Transylvania, Brașov is also home to a significant ethnic Hungarian minority (Hungarian minority in Romania). During the communist period, industrial development was vastly accelerated. Under Nicolae Ceaușescu's rule, the city was the site of the 1987 Brașov strike. This was repressed by the authorities and resulted in numerous workers being imprisoned. Economy thumb The city center ( Braşov Council Square (Piaţa Sfatului) Piaţa Sfatului (File:Brasov, Piata Sfatului.jpg)) Industrial development in Brașov started in the inter-war period, with one of the largest factories being the airplane manufacturing plant (IAR (Industria Aeronautică Română) Brașov), which produced the first Romanian fighter planes, which were used in World War II against the Soviets. After Communist rule was imposed, the plant was converted to manufacture of agricultural equipment, being renamed "Uzina Tractorul Brașov" (internationally known as Universal Tractor Brașov). Industrialization was accelerated in the Communist era, with special emphasis being placed on heavy industry, attracting many workers from other parts of the country. Heavy industry is still abundant, including Roman (Roman (vehicle manufacturer)), which manufactures MAN AG (MAN SE) trucks as well as native-designed trucks and coaches. Although the industrial base has been in decline in recent years, Brașov is still a site for manufacturing agricultural tractors and machinery, hydraulic transmissions, auto parts, ball-bearings, helicopters (at the nearby IAR site in Ghimbav), building materials, tools, furniture, textiles, shoes and cosmetics. There are also chocolate factories and a large brewery. In particular, the pharmaceutical industry has undergone further development lately, with GlaxoSmithKline establishing a production site in Brașov. A large longwave broadcasting facility is located near Brașov, at Bod (Bod Transmitter). Demographics class "wikitable" border "1" style "float:right; font-size:93%;width:200px;height:16px;border:0;text-align:left;line-height:120%;margin-left:10px; margin-bottom:10px;" - colspan "14" style "text-align:center; background:#f4f4f4;" height 24px '''Historical population of Brașov''' - ! Year ! Population ! %± - 1890 30,781 — - 1900 34,511 Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition 12.1% - 1910 census 41,056 18.9% - 1930 census 59,232 44.2% - 1948 census 82,984 40% - 1965 estimate 140,500 Dictionar Enciclopedic Roman vol.IV, Editura Politica Bucuresti, 1966 Wikipedia:Brașov Commons:Category:Brașov


Ruhr


Tsardom of Russia

The '''Russo-Swedish War of 1656–1658''' was fought by Russia and Sweden as a theater of the Second Northern War. It took place during a pause in the contemporary Russo-Polish War (1654-1667) as a consequence of the Truce of Vilna. Despite initial successes, Tsar Alexis of Russia failed to secure his principal objective—to revise the Treaty of Stolbovo, which had stripped Russia (Tsardom of Russia) of the Baltic coast at the close of the Ingrian War. * Though this was not the most noble person who had ever set foot in the establishment (an honor that would have to go to Peter, or — who knows? — Solomon), he was unquestionable the best-dressed, and identifiable, from a thousand yards, as a courtier… “Frightfully sorry to intrude,” said the courtier, “but word has reached the Household that an important Man (w:Peter I of Russia) has come to London ''incognito''. … From Muscovy (w:Tsardom of Russia), ‘tis said … The Lady of said Household (w:Anne of Great Britain) is deathly ill. On her behalf, I have come to greet the said Gentleman, and to observe the requisite formalities.” Daniel nodded out the window toward the melee. “As we say in Boston: ''get in line.''” ** “Confrontations in a Tavern”


Vojvodina

''; this was to become the Balkans-Danube prefecture ''Illyricum''. Vojvodina and Kosovo-Metohija formed a part of the Republic of Serbia but those provinces also formed part of the federation, which led to the unique situation that Central Serbia did not have its own assembly but a joint assembly with its provinces represented in it. The country distanced itself from the Soviets in 1948 (cf. Cominform and Informbiro) and started to build its own way to socialism under the strong

political leadership of Josip Broz Tito. The country criticized both Eastern bloc and NATO nations and, together with other countries, started the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961, which remained the official affiliation of the country until it dissolved. Serbian communist leader Slobodan Milošević sought to restore pre-1974 Serbian sovereignty. Other republics, especially Slovenia and Croatia, denounced this move as a revival of great Serbian hegemonism (Hegemony). Milošević succeeded in reducing the autonomy of Vojvodina and of Kosovo and Metohija (Kosovo), but both entities retained a vote in the Yugoslav Presidency Council. The very instrument that reduced Serbian influence before was now used to increase it: in the eight member Council, Serbia could now count on four votes minimum – Serbia proper, then-loyal Montenegro, and Vojvodina and Kosovo. In the same month, the Yugoslav People's Army (''Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija, JNA'') met with the Presidency of Yugoslavia in an attempt to get them to declare a state of emergency which would allow for the army to take control of the country. The army was seen as a Serbian service by that time so the consequence feared by the other republics was to be total Serbian domination of the union. The representatives of Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Vojvodina voted for the decision, while all other republics, Croatia (Stipe Mesić (Stjepan Mesić)), Slovenia (Janez Drnovšek), Macedonia (Vasil Tupurkovski) and Bosnia and Hercegovina (Bogić Bogićević), voted against. The tie delayed an escalation of conflicts, but not for long. Slobodan Milošević installed his proponents in Vojvodina, Kosovo and Montenegro during Yogurt Revolutions (Anti-bureaucratic revolution#October 1988: Vojvodina: Yogurt revolution). thumb 300px Romania in 1942. Northern Transylvania (File:Rom1942.png) to Hungary, Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria, and Transnistria (Transnistria (World War II)) under Romanian administration Antonescu's policies were motivated, in large part, by ethnic nationalism. A firm believer in the restoration of Greater Romania as the union of lands inhabited by Romanian ethnics (Romanians), he never reconciled himself to Hungary's incorporation of Northern Transylvania. Although Hungary and Romania were technically allied through the Axis system, their relationship was always tense, and marked by serious diplomatic incidents. ''Final Report'', pp.171–172; Deletant, pp.61–62, 75–76, 79, 167; Haynes, pp.106–110, 120; Ioanid, p.245; Traşcă, pp.380–385 The Romanian leader kept contacts with representatives of ethnic Romanian communities directly affected by the Second Vienna Award, including Transylvanian Greek-Catholic (Romanian Church United with Rome, Greek-Catholic) clergy. Kent, p.224 Another aspect of Antonescu's nationalist policies was evidenced after the Balkans Campaign (Balkans Campaign (World War II)). Antonescu's Romania did not partake in the military action, but laid a claim to the territories in eastern Vojvodina (western Banat) and the Timok Valley (Timočka Krajina), home to a sizable Romanian community (Romanians of Serbia). Reportedly, Germany's initial designs of granting Vojvodina to Hungary enhanced the tensions between Antonescu and Miklós Horthy to the point where war between the two countries became a possibility. Deletant, p.76; Haynes, pp.99–100, 102–109 Such incidents made Germany indefinitely prolong its occupation of the region. Deletant, p.76; Haynes, pp.99–100, 108–110, 120 The Romanian authorities issued projects for an independent Macedonia (Macedonia (region)) with autonomy for its Aromanian (Aromanians) communities, Deletant, pp.76, 326 while an official memorandum on the Timok region, approved by Antonescu, made mention of "Romanian" areas "from Timok ... to Salonika (Thessaloniki)". Haynes, p.119 The ''Conducător'' also maintained contacts with Aromanian fascists in Axis-occupied Greece (Axis occupation of Greece during World War II), awarding refuge to Principality of Pindus leaders Alchiviad Diamandi di Samarina and Nicola Matushi, whose pro-Romanian policies had brought them into conflict with other Macedonian factions. John S. Koliopoulos, ''Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941–1949'', C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, London, 1999, pp.87–88. ISBN 1-85065-381-X thumb January 1942 letter of protest, signed by Iuliu Maniu (File:Iuliu Maniu and IC Bratianu 1942 memorium for Ion Antonescu.jpg) and Dinu Brătianu and addressed to Antonescu The circumstances of wartime accounted for cautious and ambivalent approaches to Antonescu's rule from among the Romanian political mainstream, which grouped advocates of liberal democracy and anti-fascism. According to Gledhill and King: "Romanian liberals had been critical of their government's warm relationship with Hitler, which had been developing throughout the 1930s, but the 1940 Soviet attack on Romanian territory left them with little chance but to support Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union." Other authors also cite the Greater Romanian agenda of the Antonescu executive as a reason behind the widespread acquiescence. ''Final Report'', pp.284–285, 320, 324; Deletant, p.319; Gella, p.171; King, pp.93–94; Traşcă, pp.378–379; White, pp.157–158 The tendency was illustrated by Dinu Brătianu, who, in late January 1941, told his National Liberal (National Liberal Party (Romania)) colleagues that the new "government of generals" was "the best solution possible to the current crisis", urging the group to provide Antonescu with "all the support we can give him." An early point of contention between Antonescu and the National Peasants' Party came in spring 1941, when Antonescu's support for the Balkans Campaign (Balkans Campaign (World War II)) and Romania's claim to parts of Vojvodina were met with a letter of protest from Iuliu Maniu, which Antonescu dismissed. Haynes, pp.111–113 Maniu and Brătianu also issued several condemnations of Antonescu's decision to continue the war beyond the Dniester. Deletant, pp.51, 84–85, 93–94, 98, 266–267; Kenney, pp.93; King, p.94 One such letter, signed by both, claimed that, while earlier steps had been "legitimized by the entire soul of the nation, the Romanian people will never consent to the continuation of the struggle beyond our national borders." King, p.94 Maniu specifically mentioned the possibility of Allied victory, accused Antonescu of diverting attention from the goal of Greater Romania (Northern Transylvania included), and stressed that Romania's ongoing participation in the Axis was "troubling enough". While Yugoslavia was no longer capable of being a member of the Axis, several Axis-aligned puppet states emerged after the kingdom was dissolved. Local governments were set up in Serbia (Nedić's Serbia), Croatia (Independent State of Croatia), and Montenegro (Kingdom of Montenegro (1941–1944)). The remainder of Yugoslavia was divided among the other Axis powers. Germany annexed parts of Drava Banovina. Italy annexed south-western Drava Banovina, coastal parts of Croatia (Dalmatia and the islands), and attached Kosovo to Albania (occupied since 1939). Hungary annexed several border territories of Vojvodina and Baranja. Bulgaria annexed Macedonia and parts of southern Serbia. Horthy went out of his way to record in his memoirs every indignity suffered at American hands, but gradually he came to believe that his arrest had been arranged and choreographed by the Americans in order to protect him from Communist retributive urges. Indeed, the former regent reported being told that Josip Tito, the new ruler of Yugoslavia, asked that Horthy be charged with complicity with the 1942 massacre of Serbian and Jewish civilians (Occupation of Vojvodina, 1941-1944) by Hungarian troops in the Bačka region of Vojvodina. Serbian historian Zvonimir Golubović has claimed that Horthy was aware of these raids, and approved their being carried out. Zvonimir Golubović, Racija u Južnoj Bačkoj, 1942. godine, Novi Sad, 1991. (page 194) But American trial officials declined to present charges against Horthy, a kindness that may have been the result of the influence in Washington of Horthy's admirer, the former ambassador John Montgomery (John Flournoy Montgomery). The '''Tisza''' or '''Tisa''' is one of the main rivers of Central Europe. It rises in Ukraine, and is formed near Rakhiv by the junction of headwaters White Tisa, whose source is in the Chornohora mountains (Chornohora) and Black Tisa, which springs in the Gorgany range. It flows roughly along the Romanian border and enters Hungary at Tiszabecs; after passing through Hungary it flows into the Danube in north Serbia (Vojvodina). There, it forms the boundary between the regions of Bačka and Banat. The river also forms short portions of the border between Hungary and Ukraine and between Hungary and Serbia. Once it was called "The most Hungarian river" as until 1920 it flew in Hungary in its whole length (from source to draining). WikiPedia:Vojvodina Dmoz:Regional Europe Serbia Vojvodina


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