when he would sometimes hold multiple high-echelon government portfolios. This especially antagonised the intelligentsia, whose primary exponents were the students. The students at the Law School in Athens, for example, demonstrated multiple times against the dictatorship prior to the events at the Polytechneion. The tradition of student protest was always strong in Greece, even before the dictatorship. Papadopoulos tried hard to suppress and discredit the student movement during his
%26rlz%3D1B3GGGL_enCA205CA242 George Seferis and the BBC , BBC Greek service, translation by Google. Retrieved 6 July 2008 with copies simultaneously distributed to every newspaper in Athens. Attacking the colonels, he passionately demanded that "This anomaly must end". Seferis did not live to see the end of the junta. His funeral, though, on 20 September 1972, turned into a massive demonstration against the military government. Also in 1969, Costa-Gavras released the film
, literature and art was kept. Western music and film Remarkably, after some initial hesitation and as long as they were not deemed to be politically damaging to the junta, junta censors allowed wide access to Western music and films. Even the then racy West German film ''Helga (Helga – Vom Werden des menschlichen Lebens)'' ( ), a 1967 sex education Documentary film documentary
were removed from coins, the Navy and Air Force dropped their "Royal" names, and newspapers were prohibited from publishing the King's photo or any interviews. During this period, resistance against the colonels' rule became better organized among exiles in Europe and the United States. In addition to the expected opposition from the left, the colonels found themselves under attack by constituencies that had traditionally supported past right-wing regimes — pro-monarchists supporting Constantine, businessmen concerned about international isolation, and a middle class facing an economic downturn after 1971.
morning hours, the whole of Greece was in the hands of the colonels. All leading politicians, including acting Prime Minister Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, had been arrested and were held incommunicado by the conspirators. At 6:00 a.m. EET (Eastern European Time), Papadopoulos announced that eleven articles of the Greek constitution were suspended. One of the consequences of these suspensions was that anyone could be arrested without warrant at any time
with low inflation and low unemployment. Economic growth was driven by investment in the tourism industry, loose emigration policies, public spending, and pro-business incentives that fostered both domestic and foreign capital spending. Several international companies invested in Greece at the time, including the Coca-Cola Corporation. Economic growth started losing steam by 1972. In addition, large scale construction
featuring a live birth scene, had no trouble making its debut in Greece just like in any other Western country.
tenure at the helm of the junta. But the liberalisation process he undertook allowed the students to organise more freely, and this gave the opportunity to the students at the National Technical University of Athens to organise a demonstration that grew increasingly larger and more effective. The political momentum was on the side of the students. Sensing this, the junta panicked and reacted violently. Kostis Kornetis (2013). Children of the Dictatorship. Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the "Long 1960s" in Greece. New York : Berghahn Books. On the early hours of Saturday, 17 November 1973, Papadopoulos sent the army to suppress the student strike and sit-in of the "Free Besieged" (Ελεύθεροι Πολιορκημένοι), as the students called themselves, at the Athens Polytechnic which had commenced on 14 November. Shortly after 03:00 a.m. EET, under almost complete cover of darkness, an AMX 30 tank crashed through the rail gate of the Athens Polytechnic with subsequent loss of life. The army also occupied Syntagma Square for at least the following day. Even the sidewalk cafes were closed. Ioannidis' involvement in inciting unit commanders to commit criminal acts during the uprising, so that he could facilitate his own upcoming coup, was noted in the indictment presented to the court by the prosecutor during the Greek junta trials, and in his subsequent conviction in the Polytechneion trial where he was found to have been morally responsible for the events. Tsevas report Quote: "Οι Ιωαννίδης και Ρουφογάλης, δια των εις αυτούς πιστών Αξιωματικών και πρακτόρων, επηρεάζουν σοβαρώς και σαφώς την όλην επιχείρησιν, εξαπολύοντες κύμα βιαιοτήτων και πυροβολισμών, επί τω τέλει της δημιουργίας ευνοϊκών δια την προαποφασισθείσαν κίνησιν συνθηκών ασφαλείας, αναταραχής και συγκρούσεων." Eleftherotypia Unrepentant for the Dictatorship. Retrieved 15 August 2008 (In Greek) English translation by Google The Ioannidis Regime The uprising triggered a series of events that put an abrupt end to Papadopoulos' attempts at "liberalisation". Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannidis, a disgruntled junta hardliner and long-time protege of Papadopoulos as head of the feared Military Police, used the uprising as a pretext to reestablish public order, and staged a counter-coup that overthrew Papadopoulos and Spyros Markezinis on 25 November. Military law was reinstated, and the new Junta appointed General Phaedon Gizikis as President and economist Adamantios Androutsopoulos as Prime Minister, although Ioannidis remained the behind-the-scenes strongman. Ioannidis's heavy-handed and opportunistic intervention had the effect of destroying the myth that the junta was an idealistic (Ideal (ethics)) group of army officers with exactly the same ideals who came to save Greece by using their collective wisdom. The main tenet of the junta ideology (and mythology) was gone and so was the collective. By default, he remained the only man at the top after toppling the other three principals of the junta. Characteristically, he cited ideological reasons for ousting the Papadopoulos faction, accusing them with straying from the principles of the Revolution, especially of being corrupt and misusing their privileges as army officers for financial gains. Papadopoulos and his junta always claimed that the 21 April 1967 "revolution" saved Greece from the old party system. Now Ioannidis was, in effect, claiming that his coup saved the revolution from the Papadopoulos faction. The dysfunction as well as the ideological fragmentation and fractionalisation of the junta was finally out in the open. Ioannidis, however, did not make these accusations personally as he always tried to avoid unnecessary publicity. The radio broadcasts, following the now familiar ''coup in progress'' scenario featuring martial music interspersed with military orders and curfew announcements, kept repeating that the army was taking back the reins of power in order to save the principles of the revolution and that the overthrow of the Papadopoulos-Markezinis government was supported by the army, navy and air force. BBC: On this day quote:A military communiqué announced the overthrow of the government was supported by the army, navy and air force and said it was a "continuation of the revolution of 1967", when the Greek colonels, headed by Mr Papadopoulos, seized control. The statement went on to accuse Mr Papadopoulos of "straying from the ideals of the 1967 revolution" and "pushing the country towards parliamentary rule too quickly". At the same time they announced that the new coup was a "continuation of the revolution of 1967" and accused Papadopoulos with "straying from the ideals of the 1967 revolution" and "pushing the country towards parliamentary rule too quickly". Previous to seizing power, Ioannidis preferred to work in the background and he never held any formal office in the junta. Now he was the ''de facto'' leader of a puppet regime (Puppet state) composed by members some of whom were rounded up by Greek Military Police (ESA) soldiers in roving jeeps to serve and others that were simply chosen by mistake. "Greece marks '73 student uprising", and:''the notorious Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannidis now serving a life sentence for his part in the 1967 seizure of power — immediately scrapped a programme of liberalisation introduced earlier'' and: ''His was but to do the bidding of a junta strongman who had never made a secret of his belief that Greeks were not ready for democracy.'' ''Athens News'', 17 November 1999 Mario Modiano ''The Times'' correspondent in Athens, "A long, happy summer night 30 years ago", ''Athens News'', 23 July 2004 quote1: ''My friend had been sworn in as a minister by mistake. After his coup, Ioannidis dispatched military policemen in jeeps to round up the people he needed to man a puppet government. When they turned up at my friend's home and ordered him to follow them, he was convinced that the soldiers intended to shoot him. quote 2: The meeting lasted five hours. Then there was a break, and by the time the meeting resumed, Evangelos Averoff, the former foreign minister, who was there, had already telephoned Constantine Karamanlis in Paris to urge him to return immediately and assume the reins of power.'' The Ioannidis method of forming a government dealt yet another blow to the rapidly diminishing credibility of the regime both at home and abroad. The new junta, despite its rather inauspicious origins, pursued an aggressive internal crackdown and an expansionist foreign policy. Cypriot coup d'état, Turkish invasion and fall of the Junta
400px thumb The junta members. (File:Members of the greek military junta of 1967–1974.jpg) The '''Greek military junta of 1967–74''' (alternatively '''The Regime of the Colonels''' ( ) was a series of right-wing military juntas that ruled Greece following the 1967 Greek coup d'état led by a group of colonels on 21 April 1967. The dictatorship ended on 24 July 1974.